Since the mid-1990s, when at the insistence of congressional
Republicans the drug war and the war on crime merged through legislation with
immigration enforcement, immigration reform proponents have, for the most part,
failed to challenge this new comprehensive crackdown package.
Certainly there have been challenges to programs such as
Secure Communities that may channel charged but unconvicted immigrants into
DHS’ deportation steamroller. Yet the
policy framework that allows only “good” immigrants to stay in the country is
unjust, irresponsible, and counterproductive.
Removing criminal aliens may seem like the logical and
responsible way to address this issue. Yet most of the immigrants with criminal
records didn’t enter the United States, either legally or illegally, as
criminals. Most have been U.S. residents for many years, and, for whatever
reason, fell into criminality as part of their U.S. experience. The responsible
thing for the U.S. government to do would be to accept these immigrants, unless
they came to America as hardened dangerous criminals.
Even when noncitizen immigrants are proven gang members or
drug dealers, removal may ultimately be more costly than accepting that they
are members of U.S. society and should be channeled into rehabilitation and
community-integration and job programs.
A strong counterargument to automatic removal of criminal
aliens can and should be made. We now have a three-decade history of deporting
gang members and criminal immigrants to such countries as Mexico, El Salvador,
Honduras, and Guatemala.
This practice has had major destabilizing impact in these
neighboring nations and fuels the growth of transnational gangs --since many of
the removed criminal immigrants will see little alternative to leading a life
of crime when they are dumped back into countries where in most case they no
longer have strong community or family ties. As a result, the U.S. government
now has foreign aid programs that are attempting to control domestic and
transnational gangs whose core and leading members are U.S. deportees.
The cost savings of criminal removal programs are much
exaggerated. In most cases, the U.S. government does not immediately deport
immigrants who have committed crimes but first prosecutes, sentences, and
incarcerates them, thus creating a financial burden on U.S. society. However,
the federal, state, and local governments that do jail and imprison these
immigrants save a bit of money by not providing incarcerated immigrants who
have deportation orders with any rehabilitation or substance abuse serves.
All the above argumentation assumes that the immigrants in
question can rightfully be designated as criminal aliens. However, most immigrants now labelled as
criminals are generally law-abiding people who, like many of us, have broken
the law on one occasion or another. In the case of immigrants who have lived
without authorization in the United States, many have falsified documents to
obtain or keep their jobs or get housing, among other things.
Then, there is the issue of drug violations.
A single drug possession adjudication or conviction can
condemn both authorized and unauthorized immigrations to permanent removal. A
past drug control violation – often in the person’s youth – is how most
otherwise noncriminal legal and unauthorized immigrants get tagged criminal
aliens – meaning removal from homes and communities here in the United States,
deportation to countries many barely remember or speak the language, and no
chance of a pathway to legalization and citizenship.
These so-called criminal aliens join the masses of victims
of the U.S. drug war.
In the United States, the criminal justice system is
pervasive and increasingly, as records systems computerized and merged, there
will be many hard-working immigrants that are loved family members that will
likely be automatically excluded from the benefits of immigration reform – even
though they represent no plausible threat to society.
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