In addition to border security, another source of broad
agreement in the immigration reform is the widely shared conviction that
noncitizen immigrants (whether here legally or not) should be “removed” from
this country if they have criminal records. Even nongovernmental advocates of
immigration reform accept the criminal exclusion provisions, or at least
haven’t opposed these restrictions.
At first glance, this
determination to deny legal residency and to deport criminal immigrants makes
good sense. Why, after all, should America open its borders to foreigners who
not only threaten public safety but who also burden every level of government
with law enforcement, prosecution, and incarceration costs?
One should expect that in
the coming immigration debate all the main actors – whether they be
progressives, liberals, centrists, conservatives, and hawks -- will accept the
notion that so-called “criminal aliens” have no place in U.S. society.
Yet if immigration reform
is largely about social justice, can this automatic exclusion be defended
morally? There are also unaddressed questions about the impact of this
exclusion and deportation of criminals on the stability of neighboring nations
and the spread of international criminal networks.
For reform advocates,
opposition (whether tacit or explicit) against including criminals from
immigration-reform benefits may stem less from an ethical conviction than from
a political calculation – much as support for border security operations is
seen as a precondition for any reform.
Immigrants Are America
That’s a phrase often
used by proponents of liberal immigration reform.
As the prospects for
reform increase, it will be tempting for advocates to maintain a sharp focus on
the strategy and tactics of the reform campaign, yet give short shrift to their
own rhetorical and social-justice arguments for legalization of those
immigrants who are already part of our communities and economy.
If “Immigrants are
America” and if immigrants are “America’s voice,” as the pro-reform slogans
have it, then the immigration reform campaign shouldn’t be so narrowly fought –
only on strictly immigration issues.
In the past, immigration reform
activists have been so focused on their own campaigns and strategies that they
have not sought out allies in the prison-reform, criminal-justice reform, and
drug-law reform movements.
There are strong and
increasingly powerful movements and lobbies to reform drug laws, mass
imprisonment practices, and the dysfunctional criminal justice system. Immigration
reformers would do well ally themselves with such citizen
movements.
For fear of reinforcing
the anti-immigrant stereotypes of immigrants as criminals and drug addicts, the
immigration reform campaign over the past two decades has largely distanced
itself from the movements against mass incarceration, drug prohibition, and the
expansion of the federal government’s domination of our criminal justice
system.
There are few other
sectors of U.S. society that have been so victimized by our nation’s drug laws,
imprisonment habit, and harsh criminal justice system.
Since the early 1990s
there has been a steadily increasing merger of the criminal justice, drug
prohibition, and immigration enforcement systems. Scholars call this conflation
of immigration and criminal system the crimmigration of America.
Once caught in the grips
of crimmigration, immigrants are doubly punished – first by jail, fines, and
prison sentences; and second by automatic removal from the country.
Many otherwise
law-abiding immigrants, as do many U.S. citizens, have drug violations on their
record. Many immigrants have spent some time in jail or been on probation, the
same as millions of U.S. citizens. If we are to accept that America has been a
nation of immigrants and that immigrants continue to be an integral part of
this nation, then our lawmakers shouldn’t exclude immigrants from the benefits
of any immigration reform.
Such a course of action
would preempt hundreds of thousands of future deportations that separate families
and weaken communities. Dealing directly
with the criminal alien shibboleth in the reform debate, rather than assuming
that all immigrants with records will be ineligible for reform benefits, would
created a more expansive community of immigration reform proponents, including
member of the growing anti-drug prohibition movement.
It would also demonstrate
in a powerful way that immigrants are not a population apart – that immigrants
are America. In the process, the coming immigration reform debate may push
aside the restrictive framework that has stifled criticism of border security
and crimmigration.
Time to Reassess Border Security and Criminal Alien
Bipartisanship
In both cases, stances in
favor of border security and ridding the nation of criminal immigrants are
regarded as good and necessary politics on the path to immigration reform.
However, there are costs
to accepting both these conditions – continued border-security buildup and
exclusion of beneficiaries – they will surely be paid down the road.
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