Customs and Border Protection says it is "securing the border" against "dangerous people and drugs." And it has the stats to prove it.
If you don’t mind logistical inconsistencies, the Department of Homeland Security has the proof that CBP (the DHS agency that includes the Border Patrol) stands on the frontlines of homeland security -- keeping us safe against immigrants and marijuana.
In a new report outlining its
plans for more billion-dollar, high-tech projects to secure the border, DHS
boasts: “Recent efforts have generated significant improvements in border security,
as measured by a decline in apprehensions and an increase in drug seizures.”
In its Report on
the Assessment of the Secure Border Initiative-Network (SBInet) Program,
DHS includes a chart (above) that is intended to document its border-security achievements.
But there is no explanation how its purported success in securing the border can be measured simultaneously in increasing
numbers (drug seizures) and decreasing numbers (illegal border crossers
apprehended).
When defending its annual budget increases, DHS pointed
to the rising number of illegal immigrants in the first half of the decade to explain
the urgent need for more agents, more walls, and more high-tech fixes. As the
number of apprehended immigrants has started to decline, DHS underscored the
purported effectiveness of its border security spending and the resulting “deterrence.”
Depending on the topic of the press briefing or
congressional hearing, DHS variously attributes the new numbers of arrests and
seizures to the border fence, increased Border Patrol agents, remote
surveillance, and higher overall agency budgets.
But DHS' arguments about increased deterrence from the expanded
deployment of Border Patrol agents (doubled since 2003) for some unexplained reason don't apply to the control of illegal
drug flows across the southwestern border. With drugs, more border security
means more seizures not fewer.
DHS doesn’t attempt to explain why deterrence may work
with illegal immigrants but not with illegal drugs. As has been the practice
during the four decades of the war on drugs, increased seizures, arrests, and
eradications are the benchmarks used to determine success – not the measure of
drugs flowing into the United States or consumed here.
In this case, DHS argues the steady rise in the tons of
marijuana seized along the border makes the homeland is safer , while pointing
out that this upward trend in marijuana seizures roughly parallels the
steady rise in the number of Border Patrol agents.
Whether it’s the thousands of immigrants apprehended or the tons of marijuana seized, the Border Patrol always seems to have the numbers to
support the dual contention that it is doing a great job and that a budget increase
is critical.
When immigrant apprehensions are up, the Border Patrol and ICE say
it is the result of their diligence. When the number of immigrants they capture
is down, they say it is because of the deterrent effect of their increased
enforcement.
It’s what Peter Andreas and Kelly Greenhill call the “numbers
game” in their book Sex, Drugs, and Body
Counts. “The standard
quantitative indicators – such as numbers of arrests, deportations, seizures,
confiscations, and so on – are built into the funding mechanism, creating
powerful bureaucratic incentives to sustain them,” they write.
The numbers game played by the DHS and its
border-control and immigration-enforcement agencies has been wildly successful
in supporting ever higher budgets. Yet, never does DHS bring other, less
convenient numbers into the game picture, especially when it is making a case
for increased agency budgets.
Missing Intelligence
Missing in the DHS chart of seizures are, among other things, numbers from the Justice Department’s National Drug Intelligence Center.
Missing Intelligence
Missing in the DHS chart of seizures are, among other things, numbers from the Justice Department’s National Drug Intelligence Center.
The center’s National
Drug Intelligence Assessment 2010 reported that marijuana
in the United States is “widely available, in part as a result of rising production in Mexico. The
amount of marijuana produced in Mexico has increased an estimated 59 percent
overall since 2003.”
Increased border
security by DHS, then, has had little impact on the availability of marijuana
in the U.S. market. According to this Justice Department, “Marijuana is the
most commonly used illicit drug, with 25.8 million individuals 12 years of age
and older (10.3%) reporting past year use.”
That’s about
the same percentage of U.S. residents who have used marijuana every year this
past decade, even as population is rising. In their book, Andreas and Greenhill note that
the numbers used to assess cross-border activities “often have more to do with
political imperatives and bureaucratic incentives than actual deterrence.”
What’s all too
clear is that DHS, despite its professed commitment to protect against “dangerous
people and goods,” is playing the same old numbers game, while failing to address
the policy origins of the border control, immigration enforcement, and drug
control crises – namely our failure to reform immigration policy and to end the
drug wars home and abroad.
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